Was America threatening to wipe another country of the face of the earth at that point? Did the Republican Party hold huge military parades with its main logo being a mushroom cloud?
The answer to both of these questions is, of course, no. However, yesterday, I came across the following sentence (it’s taken from page 214 of John Holroyd’s excellent book
Judging Religion: A Dialogue for Our Time):
‘In one poll…59% of the US citizens interviewed thought that a nuclear strike killing 100,000 Iranian civilians would be justified if Iran attacked a US aircraft carrier killing 2,000 military personnel.’
So I did some digging around and found this:
https://news.stanford.edu/2017/08/08/americans-weigh-nuclear-war/
Here are a couple of extracts from the link. The authors are Scott Sagan, a political science professor and senior fellow at Stanford’s
Center for International Security and Cooperation, and Benjamin Valentino, a Dartmouth College professor of government.
‘Sagan said it suggests that the U.S. public’s support for the principle of noncombatant immunity is “shallow and easily overcome by the pressures of war.”
When considering the use of nuclear weapons, the majority of Americans prioritize protecting U.S. troops and achieving American war aims, even when doing so would result in the deliberate killing of millions of foreign noncombatants, according to Sagan and Valentino. Sagan noted, “The most shocking finding of our study is that 60 percent of Americans would approve of killing 2 million Iranian civilians to prevent an invasion of Iran that might kill 20,000 U.S. soldiers.”
They explain that a number of variables – Republican Party identification, older age, and approval of the death penalty for convicted murderers – significantly increase support for using nuclear weapons against Iran.Sagan’s findings from a survey experiment conducted in July 2015 involved a representative sample of the U.S. public asked about a contemporary, hypothetical scenario designed to replicate the 1945 decision to drop a nuclear bomb on Hiroshima.
He and Valentino created a news story in which Iran attacked a U.S. warship in the Persian Gulf, Congress declared war, and the president was presented with the option of sending U.S. troops to march into Tehran, which would lead to many American military fatalities, or dropping a nuclear weapon on an Iranian city to try to end the war. “Would the U.S. public approve of the use of a nuclear weapon against a city in Iran in an attempt to end a war that the Iranian government had started in response to the imposition of U.S. economic sanctions?” Sagan asked.
Their findings demonstrate that, contrary to the nuclear taboo thesis, a clear majority of Americans would approve of using nuclear weapons first against the civilian population of a nonnuclear-armed adversary, even killing 2 million Iranian civilians, if they believed that such use would save the lives of 20,000 U.S. soldiers.In addition, contrary to the principle of noncombatant immunity, an even larger percentage of Americans would approve of a conventional bombing attack designed to kill 100,000 Iranian civilians in the effort to intimidate Iran into surrendering, according to Sagan.
The research also shows that women support nuclear weapons use and violations of noncombatant immunity no less (and in some cases, more) than male respondents, they wrote.
“Women are as hawkish as men and, in some scenarios, are even more willing to support the use of nuclear weapons,” Sagan added. “Most polls about war show that women are more dovish than men, but this is because they are more protective of their loved ones. If they are forced to choose between killing U.S. soldiers and killing foreign civilians, those same instincts appear to lead to more support for dropping the bomb.”
The experiment also provides insights into how a belief in retribution and an ability to assign blame retrospectively to foreign civilians allows people to rationalize the killing of foreign noncombatants, Sagan said. “Belief in the value of retribution is strongly related to support for using nuclear weapons, and a large majority of those who favor the use of nuclear weapons against Iran stated that the Iranian people bore some of the responsibility for that attack because they had not overthrown their government,” he and his co-author wrote.
The conclusions are stark and disturbing, Sagan said.
“These findings highlight the limited extent to which the U.S. public has accepted the principles of just war doctrine and suggest that public opinion is unlikely to be a serious constraint on any president contemplating the use of nuclear weapons in the crucible of war,” Sagan and Valentino wrote.
Note that if I had come across research that uncovered the maintenance of similar attitudes among Iranian citizens I would have posted that.
On the same page in that aforementioned book by Holroyd, I also found this:
‘Looking briefly at civilian victims of coalition attacks in the Middle East, the Iraq war of 2003 left 116,000 civilians dead and many more injured according to one report. A further report reveals that the overall ‘War on Terror’ begun by US President George Bush in 2002, killed over 1.3 million civilians as a result of the actions of coalition forces. These figures, however, only refer to deaths in Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iraq. Further US led operations in Libya, Somalia and Yemen add to this toll. Atrocities, including the murder and rape of unarmed civilians, would also seem to have taken place on several occasions in Iraq during the second Iraq war, including in Haditha, Hamandiya, Sadr City, Samarra, Ishaqi, and, of course, we shouldn’t forget Fallujah’.
I guess this serves as a reminder of just how successful the ‘War on Terror’ has been and how civilians typically tend to suffer the most. 1.3 million eh...
Yes, the Iranian theocracy is several rungs below other participants in the moral sewer of Middle Eastern and Persian politics.
But I hope I can be forgiven for believing that neither we nor the US come out of 'The War on Terror' looking all that much better.
One of the features of veteran on-the-ground journalist Robert Fisk's earlier writing (
Pity the Nation, The Great War for Civilisation) was that it showed up all the main protagonists back then (Bush, Blair, Sharon, Arafat, Hamas, Hezbollah, Islamic Jihad, Shin Bet, Saddam Hussein, the Shah of Iran, Khomeini, the Saudis, Hafez al-Assad and so on) for what they are or were.
And that's what tended to infuriate the different supporters of that motley bunch back in the day. Nobody truly got to claim the moral high ground from Fisk's perspective.
These days, I find his reportage slightly less cogent and too infused with his own agenda. But not much has changed in the moral superiority stakes. When we start to hold ourselves to the same moral standards that we apply to others in foreign relations, then I'll take notice. Until that happens, consider me a subscriber to a 'plague on all their houses' position.