Shamima Begum

She committed atrocities in another country

Such as?

Has she been shown to have been a member of the al-Khansaa brigade, for example?

I am unaware of any specific actions that have been attributed to her, beyond a lack of remorse and ideological support for ISIS.

Of course, even as a non-combatant, this might not exclude her from moral culpability.

In his older article on the Begum case that I linked to earlier, Shiraz Maher discusses this very issue (among other things) in the context of the wider problem of what to do about returning Salafi-jihadists. Here's the main section of it:

'The SDF [Syrian Democratic Forces] are technically a militia, operating as non-state actors without any legal or diplomatic standing. Western governments are reluctant to engage with them directly because of the difficulties in securing convictions against many of those who have been detained.

For all kinds of legal reasons, much of what is called “battlefield evidence” in this case would not be admissible in court, either falling short on evidential grounds or because of the manner in which it was obtained. We do not, for example, use intercept evidence in UK courts.

The result is that some repatriated British fighters could simply walk free once they return. Clearly, that is a situation no one wants. Another option is that they could be convicted of lesser crimes – but this poses problems of its own.

Convicted IS fighters will occupy a laudatory position within the prison estate, particularly among those convicted for domestic terrorism offences. They will also have an opportunity to use their experiences to radicalise those from the general inmate population and to educate them in any firearms or explosives proficiencies they may have acquired.

Beyond the fighters are those who travelled to Isis territory in non-combat roles. Although this applies mostly to women, there were also some men with disabilities from Western countries who made the journey but did not fight. This poses another dilemma. Is it merely a crime to have travelled to IS territory without actually engaging in combat?

Of course, those who voluntarily chose to travel did so out of ideological commitment and support for the group’s overarching worldview – that of the Caliphate it sought to construct. Throughout history, political scientists and historians have pointed towards what is now called “propaganda of the deed”, where an act is invested with a higher purpose than itself. It is, instead, an exemplar for others, where the conduct of one serves to inspire, motivate or, indeed, warn onlookers.

This is how the actions of non-combatant Isis migrants should be seen. Their decision to migrate served a distinct ideological purpose for both themselves and the group they elected to join. The unspoken corollary of their actions was to normalise something grotesquely abnormal – that of Isis’s state-building project.

Away from the images of ultra-violence, much of the group’s propaganda focused on the apparent banality of their enterprise: what made them extraordinary was just how ordinary they could be. Indeed, Begum references this very issue in her Times interview, remarking that life inside the de facto Isis capital, Raqqah, was “a very ordinary life.”

Begum is unusual in also stating that she does not regret joining Isis. Many of those now detained by the SDF are keen to profess their remorse and highlight the group’s shortcomings. Yet no such contrition was forthcoming when Isis enjoyed better times.

Research centres such as the one I lead at King’s College London (the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation) archived millions of pieces of output from foreign fighters who cheered attacks in the West. When one occurred, they agitated for more. They celebrated the beheadings of Western hostages such as the American journalist James Foley. His death followed months of agonising torture, which included beatings and waterboarding. Foreign fighters mocked and belittled the sexual slavery of Yazidi women, the detention of their children, and murder of their menfolk.

In its reticence to repatriate these detainees, the British government is broadly reflecting public opinion in regard to both fighters and non-combatants. It is content to leave them in Syria for now and to allow the current limbo to persist. There is, quite understandably, little sympathy for those who freely elected to join Isis.

This does, however, lead to a much thornier issue – that of minors who were either taken to Syria by their parents or who were born there to British migrants. What becomes of them? Begum is currently nine months pregnant and is due to give birth at any moment, having already lost two children while in Syria.

There is a moral case to repatriate these children and to, perhaps, settle them with extended family members residing in the West. That is an option few would likely object to, but the challenges for the government remain nonetheless. If it is shown to be negotiating with the SDF to repatriate children, then pressure will grow to repatriate others too.

Similarly, some of the minors who were taken to Isis territory were taken as young adolescents at the start of their teens. They have now lived in Isis territory for a significant portion of their formative years. They will have invariably suffered combat stresses, seen horrific things, and been exposed to Isis’s ideology. A complex package of psychological and mental health support would be needed in these cases.

All this demonstrates just how complex and intractable the issue of detained fighters and non-combatant migrants within Syria has become. Here, as with so much else relating to the bitter Syrian conflict, there are neither easy nor quick solutions.'
 
I had an argument with a gammon mate of mine the other day, not about this poor young woman, but about - as he calls them - “fucking unions”.

I tried to explain to him that the reason he is able to take 3 or 4 weeks sickpay every year from his job as a policeman is because of the “fucking unions”. As is his statutory rights to days off each week, holiday pay, safety legislation, employment protection, and a plethora of other rights. He then went on a rant about “being taxed to the nines and his overtime hardly being worth working”. He didn’t see the funny side when I pointed out that his entire salary package was paid for with other peoples taxes and if he wanted to make a stand and resign his job for life and take his chances in the private sector I would be happy to stand shoulder to shoulder with him.

My point is a similar one to yours, namely Gammons, especially ones from working class backgrounds, are often the most reactionary of people and seem to show real fear of any sort of understanding or show of human kindness. I just don’t understand it. It’s frankly very weird and is sadly in evidence on this and many other threads.

Back to Shamima, I am Not afraid of her, I feel desperately sorry for the poor young woman. For me she should be invited back home, to her country of birth, and once she has paid her debt to society , perhaps with some form of community service, she should be housed, fed, kept warm, and provided with an income as, due in no small part to the witch-hunt against her for years now in the press, she will find it very difficult to gain meaningful employment.

Bring the girl home, show the world that British values are worth shouting about, and help her have a good life and decent future.

Lol, serious subject but that post made me laugh, what a load of old shit.
 
This young lady made a huge mistake as at a time in her life when she was most vulnerable. If she had been convinced to join a pedophile group would she be pilloried? No she would have been classed as a victim. Our RW press and government are doing what they have always done using their propaganda for their own devices.
"The Security Service considered that any individual assessed to have travelled to Syria and to have aligned with ISIL posed a threat to national security. It was noted that individuals, such as Ms Begum, who were radicalised as minors might be considered victims. That did not, however, change the threat which the Security Service assessed Ms Begum as posing to the United Kingdom. It did not justify putting the United Kingdom’s national security at risk by not depriving her of her citizenship."

But that assessment was based on what she might do in the future (rather than on any crime committed in the past).

Given the number of former ISIS fighters already in the community, I think the government is just exploiting this case (a) because they can and (b) because it's red meat for people who think of her as a "vicious woman".
 
As I know nothing about Syrian law I couldn’t say. If they have a law about membership of a proscribed terrorist organisation that would be an obvious one. As I said, as Syria is a failed state, it’s not going to happen and ultimately when it settles down there it’s much more likely that foreigners with no right to be there will be deported to their country of origin, and in Begum’s case we will end up with her whatever the government says or does. As someone said earlier, they’re playing to the gallery at the moment and the usual suspects on here are lapping it up.

so you want her tried for crimes that you don't know she has committed nor whether there are any laws that even exist that she may have broken.......
 
"The Security Service considered that any individual assessed to have travelled to Syria and to have aligned with ISIL posed a threat to national security. It was noted that individuals, such as Ms Begum, who were radicalised as minors might be considered victims. That did not, however, change the threat which the Security Service assessed Ms Begum as posing to the United Kingdom. It did not justify putting the United Kingdom’s national security at risk by not depriving her of her citizenship."

But that assessment was based on what she might do in the future (rather than on any crime committed in the past).

Given the number of former ISIS fighters already in the community, I think the government is just exploiting this case (a) because they can and (b) because it's red meat for people who think of her as a "vicious woman".
It is also catnip to people who don’t like people with dark skin and people who are frightened of women.
 
Such as?

Has she been shown to have been a member of the al-Khansaa brigade, for example?

I am unaware of any specific actions that have been attributed to her, beyond a lack of remorse and ideological support for ISIS.

Of course, even as a non-combatant, this might not exclude her from moral culpability.

In his older article on the Begum case that I linked to earlier, Shiraz Maher discusses this very issue (among other things) in the context of the wider problem of what to do about returning Salafi-jihadists. Here's the main section of it:

'The SDF [Syrian Democratic Forces] are technically a militia, operating as non-state actors without any legal or diplomatic standing. Western governments are reluctant to engage with them directly because of the difficulties in securing convictions against many of those who have been detained.

For all kinds of legal reasons, much of what is called “battlefield evidence” in this case would not be admissible in court, either falling short on evidential grounds or because of the manner in which it was obtained. We do not, for example, use intercept evidence in UK courts.

The result is that some repatriated British fighters could simply walk free once they return. Clearly, that is a situation no one wants. Another option is that they could be convicted of lesser crimes – but this poses problems of its own.

Convicted IS fighters will occupy a laudatory position within the prison estate, particularly among those convicted for domestic terrorism offences. They will also have an opportunity to use their experiences to radicalise those from the general inmate population and to educate them in any firearms or explosives proficiencies they may have acquired.

Beyond the fighters are those who travelled to Isis territory in non-combat roles. Although this applies mostly to women, there were also some men with disabilities from Western countries who made the journey but did not fight. This poses another dilemma. Is it merely a crime to have travelled to IS territory without actually engaging in combat?

Of course, those who voluntarily chose to travel did so out of ideological commitment and support for the group’s overarching worldview – that of the Caliphate it sought to construct. Throughout history, political scientists and historians have pointed towards what is now called “propaganda of the deed”, where an act is invested with a higher purpose than itself. It is, instead, an exemplar for others, where the conduct of one serves to inspire, motivate or, indeed, warn onlookers.

This is how the actions of non-combatant Isis migrants should be seen. Their decision to migrate served a distinct ideological purpose for both themselves and the group they elected to join. The unspoken corollary of their actions was to normalise something grotesquely abnormal – that of Isis’s state-building project.

Away from the images of ultra-violence, much of the group’s propaganda focused on the apparent banality of their enterprise: what made them extraordinary was just how ordinary they could be. Indeed, Begum references this very issue in her Times interview, remarking that life inside the de facto Isis capital, Raqqah, was “a very ordinary life.”

Begum is unusual in also stating that she does not regret joining Isis. Many of those now detained by the SDF are keen to profess their remorse and highlight the group’s shortcomings. Yet no such contrition was forthcoming when Isis enjoyed better times.

Research centres such as the one I lead at King’s College London (the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation) archived millions of pieces of output from foreign fighters who cheered attacks in the West. When one occurred, they agitated for more. They celebrated the beheadings of Western hostages such as the American journalist James Foley. His death followed months of agonising torture, which included beatings and waterboarding. Foreign fighters mocked and belittled the sexual slavery of Yazidi women, the detention of their children, and murder of their menfolk.

In its reticence to repatriate these detainees, the British government is broadly reflecting public opinion in regard to both fighters and non-combatants. It is content to leave them in Syria for now and to allow the current limbo to persist. There is, quite understandably, little sympathy for those who freely elected to join Isis.

This does, however, lead to a much thornier issue – that of minors who were either taken to Syria by their parents or who were born there to British migrants. What becomes of them? Begum is currently nine months pregnant and is due to give birth at any moment, having already lost two children while in Syria.

There is a moral case to repatriate these children and to, perhaps, settle them with extended family members residing in the West. That is an option few would likely object to, but the challenges for the government remain nonetheless. If it is shown to be negotiating with the SDF to repatriate children, then pressure will grow to repatriate others too.

Similarly, some of the minors who were taken to Isis territory were taken as young adolescents at the start of their teens. They have now lived in Isis territory for a significant portion of their formative years. They will have invariably suffered combat stresses, seen horrific things, and been exposed to Isis’s ideology. A complex package of psychological and mental health support would be needed in these cases.

All this demonstrates just how complex and intractable the issue of detained fighters and non-combatant migrants within Syria has become. Here, as with so much else relating to the bitter Syrian conflict, there are neither easy nor quick solutions.'
A bit off topic, but (a bit like Trumpers who thought a second term was prophesied) wasn't the whole ISIS ideology built on the inevitability of the success of the Caliphate? It hasn't prevailed, so for how many of its supporters (and combatants) is it just a failed idea, or is this just a setback to inevitable eventual success?
 
Given the number of former ISIS fighters already in the community, I think the government is just exploiting this case (a) because they can and (b) because it's red meat for people who think of her as a "vicious woman".
You, unsurprisingly don't think she's a vicious woman.
This topic is in the politics thread, so it's telling who the ones are cheering on a jihadi, do you ever sit and wonder why you get rejected? It really is baffling why anyone with your view of the world bothers tramping round the streets door knocking, trying to get people onside, when you must know, deep down, it's a lost cause. Each and everything you espouse ends up exactly the same way, if it were me I'd have fucked that philosophy off years ago, if only to save the inevitable embarrassment.
It seems a handful of like minded people provide a glimmer of hope, but there's never been safety in numbers mate, particularly when you compare them to the opposition.
But you carry on happily citing the Daily fucking Mail, gammons, capitalists and the English in general for all your woes, if it helps.
 
so you want her tried for crimes that you don't know she has committed nor whether there are any laws that even exist that she may have broken.......
I probably should have qualified the earlier post with “if she has committed any crimes there”.
 
The publications of Cambridge economist Ha Joon Chang on recent economic history are relevant to the points you make here. Chang is an economist who favours capitalist over socialist macroeconomic theory but is not as enthusiastic about neoliberalism, an ideology that has held sway over the last few decades in many parts of the world.

Chang basically demonstrates in his writing that economic growth in the advanced capitalist countries has actually been lower over the last 40 years (when various versions of free market capitalism have held sway: Thatcherism, 'Trickle-down' Reaganomics, Clinton's Market Globalism and Tony Blair's Third Way) than it ever was between 1950 and 1970 (when 'socialist' Keynesian economics ruled the roost), or even during the late 70's period of stagflation (which you mentioned above) which resulted in the monetarist policies of Friedman and Hayek getting adopted.

Let’s run with an example. Thatcher got elected on the back of the Saatchi slogan 'Labour Isn't Working'. This is because there was, at that time, one million unemployed in the UK. For Friedman and Hayek (the economists whose policies provide the foundation for neoliberalism), the focus of macreconomic theory should be on controlling inflation. So Thatcher raised interest rates. This should lower demand as it then costs more to borrow money. Unfortunately, those higher interest rates attracted foreign capital, driving up the value of the British pound and making British exports uncompetitive.

The result was a huge recession. Unemployment soared to 3.3 million people, a significant chunk of British manufacturing was destroyed, and many traditional industrial centres were devastated.

Reaganomics didn't work either. As in the UK, interest rates were jacked up in an attempt to reduce inflation. Between 1979 and 1981, interest rates more than doubled from around 10% to over 20% per year. A significant proportion of the US manufacturing industry, which had already been losing ground to Japanese and other foreign competition, could not withstand such an increase in financial costs. The traditional industrial heartland in the Midwest was turned into 'the Rust Belt'.

Neoliberals subscribe to what is known as the D-L-P formula (Deregulation of the economy, Liberalisation of trade and industry, Privatisation of state owned enterprises). Financial deregulation in the US at this time laid the foundation for the unstable and morally egregious financial system we have today, which involves hostile takeovers, asset stripping, and so on. To avoid this fate, firms at the time of Reagan had to deliver profits faster than before, otherwise impatient shareholders would sell up, reducing the share prices and thus exposing the firm to a greater danger of takeover. The easiest way for a company to deal with this was through downsizing, reducing the workforce, cutting overheads and minimizing investments, even though these actions diminish the competitiveness of the business in the longer term.

Here's a damning statistic from Chang: '...distributed profits as a share of total US corporate profits stood at 35-45 per cent between the 1950's and 1970's. Between 2001 and 2010, the largest US companies distributed 94% of their profits [to shareholders] and the top UK companies 89% of their profits.'

And here's another: '...in the UK, the average period of shareholding, which had already fallen from 5 years in the mid 1960's to two years in the 1980's, plummeted to about 7.5 months at the end of 2007.'

The D-L-P formula has also proved disastrous for developing economies too. One of the latest examples is India (often held up as a neoliberal economic success story) where 250,000 farmers have committed suicide because of what the novelist Arundhati Roy has called the 'Privatisation of Everything.' For the back story on that, read her recent book Capitalism: A Ghost Story.

Let's also consider the instability of the financial markets that has been a consequence of the deregulation of them.

Start of 1990's - banking crises in Sweden, Finland and Norway
1994/95 - 'Tequila' crisis in Mexico
1997 - crises in 'miracle' economies in Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia and South Korea
1998 - Russian crisis
1999 - Brazilian crisis
2002 - Argentina
2008 - We all know about that one

Virtually no country was in banking crisis between the end of the Second World War and the mid-1970's, when the financial sector was more regulated. Between the mid-1970's and the late 1980's, the proportion of countries who experienced a banking crisis rose to 5 to 10%, weighted by their share of world income. The proportion then shot up to around 20% in the mid-1990's. The ratio then briefly fell to zero for a few years in the mid-2000s, but went up again to 35% following the 2008 global financial crisis.

There's one other interesting angle on this.

In his global history of ethics The Quest for a Moral Compass, Kenan Malik observes that:

‘By 2008…the possibility of change, at least in the way that Marx would have understood it had become negligibly small. The depth of the economic crisis led to talk of ‘a crisis of capitalism’. And yet there was no political challenge to capitalism. Worker’s organisations had been destroyed, the left had imploded, as had the idea that there could be an alternative to the market system. The resurrection of Marx challenged none of this. Those who turn to Marx these days look upon him not as a prophet of capitalism’s demise but as a poet of its moral corruption.’

So given that socialism is no longer regarded as a viable alternative to neoliberal ideology, what does that leave?

Curiously, it leaves religion.

Several modern philosophers/left wing theorists (Slavoj Zizek, Alain Badiou and Terry Eagleton), seem to be drawing on theology in an attempt to revivify socialism in some of their publications. Here's the cover to one of them.

th


In reply to a private e-mail enquiry I sent him about this, one eminent teacher of Philosophy and Theology at a UK university put it this way:

“You are right to detect a strange shift – radical European philosophers drawing on Christian ideas to critique capitalism. This has opened up new ground – there have always been Christian critiques of capitalism, but it now seems possible to work on neutral philosophical ground, engaging with secular thinkers.”

Those in the vanguard of the phenomenon known as Engaged Buddhism is also taking a similar line.

The following is taken from Matthieu Ricard's extraordinary and multidisciplinary study Altruism: The Power of Compassion to Change the World. Just the very title is an indication that we are a long way from the naive assumptions about human nature indulged in by supporters of free-market capitalism.

'Much economic policy-making from that angle is based on the model of homo economicus - the view that humans are narrowly individualistic, rational but self-interested creatures. Unsurprisingly, hundreds of pages of Ricard's study are devoted to demolishing this model, and along the way the author draws on a vast range of multidisciplinary research to do so. But my concern here is not with these studies. Suffice it to say that even Adam Smith, the father of the market economy, was not nearly so extreme as his successors in taking the aforementioned view of humanity.

In a work which has not attracted quite so much attention as The Wealth of Nations, Smith stated: 'To restrain our selfish, and to indulge our benevolent affections, constitutes the perfection of human nature; and can alone produce among mankind that harmony of sentiments and passions in which consists in their whole grace and harmony.'


In other words, any theory of economics that excludes altruism is fundamentally incomplete and diminished.

But anyway, here is Ricard, writing in 2013:

'We have already seen how in the United States the richest 1% of the population currently owns 40% of the country's wealth, compared with just 13% of it twenty-five years ago...such a level of inequality is morally unjustifiable and is a scourge on society. What's more, contrary to the claims of neoliberals, the wealth at the top of the ladder remains there, and does not 'trickle down' to the bottom to create a more dynamic society for all.

As Joseph Stiglitz explains, inequality is both the cause and consequence of the failure of the political system, and it contributes to the instability of the financial system, which in turn contributes to increased inequality. It is this vicious cycle that has thrown us into the abyss, and we will only be able to emerge from it by reforming the system.'


And there's more:

'The divide in the United States is widening faster and faster. For thirty years, 90% of Americans saw their income increase by just 15%, while those who make up the wealthiest 1% experienced a leap of 150%. Between 2002 and 2007, this 1% of the population monopolized over 65% of national income gains. While the best-off became considerably richer, the situation for the majority of Americans got worse.

In Europe, although income inequality is overall lower than it is in the United States, it is on the rise. The most equal countries are those in Scandinavia, where the richest 10% earn just six times more than the poorest 10%.

Research carried out by economists at the IMF suggests that almost everywhere in the world, income inequality slows growth and triggers financial crises...The 2014 report from the OECD concludes that the gap between rich and poor is at its highest level in 30 years in most OECD countries. Today, the richest 10% of the population in the OECD area earn 9.5 times more than the poorest 10%...This long-term trend increase in income inequality has curbed economic growth significantly, chiefly because of families with low incomes not being able to invest in their education.'


Ricard then goes on to discuss China ('an oppressive totalitarian regime - notably, and unusually at the same time as being a capitalist state since the 1990's')where 'the poorest people's wages increased proportionately even more so than those of the richest. Yet immense fortunes have been amassed among the wealthiest, often thanks to nepotism within the leadership and due to wholesale corruption.'

'What's more, in all countries studied, in times of economic crisis, the elite classes almost always come out alright, while people with low incomes are affected disproportionately. The wealthiest also benefit much more than anyone else when the economy recovers. Women for their part earn just 10% of global income, despite carrying out two-thirds of humankind's work.

Tax and protection schemes, which play a major role in easing the levels of inequality brought about by free market capitalism, have in many countries ceased to be effective over the last fifteen years, since libertarian capitalism aims at reducing the role of government and at reducing social welfare as much as possible.'


The section I have been quoting from finishes with the words of Warren Buffet: 'There's been class warfare going on. And my class has won.'

Interestingly, Ricard is a Tibetan Buddhist who a) serves as a translator for the Dalai Lama and b) has been described as 'the happiest man alive' as a result of neuroscientific studies of the unusual brain activity that decades of meditation seem to have produced in him.

"The scans showed that when meditating on compassion, Ricard’s brain produces a level of gamma waves – those linked to consciousness, attention, learning and memory – ‘never reported before in the neuroscience literature’...the scans also showed excessive activity in his brain’s left prefrontal cortex compared to its right counterpart, allowing him an abnormally large capacity for happiness and a reduced propensity towards negativity."

Maybe he knows something that we don’t.

My other reason for mentioning Ricard is because I don't agree with your point that we are no longer a 'compassionate country'. This tendency has only been suppressed. Ricard spends several chapters of his book drawing attention to the fact that empathy and altruism, or helping behaviour if you like, are products of evolution by appealing to a range of studies that highlight this aspect of human nature (children exhibit it spontaneously and so do many species of animals).

There's one other point that you made that I would also take issue with, namely, that you don't seem to acknowledge the presently fissiparous nature of right-wing politics. I have been wondering to myself whether the present friction within, say, the Republican party in the USA and the Conservatives in the UK, has come about because two toxic versions of capitalism are rubbing up against each other.

On the one hand, there is the neoliberal variety, as described above and advocated by, say, Hayek (much admired by Thatcher), Friedman, and the philosopher Robert Nozick, but also practised by both New Labour and the EU up to a point.

The fact that the ideology driving it demands the free movement of labour across borders has, in my view, provoked tribalistic concerns about foreigners and a fear of 'the Other' instilled by evolutionary psychology (hence all the racists who voted 'Leave'), as well as more rationally grounded anxieties about the consequences of untrammelled immigration.

In turn this has given rise to another toxic version of capitalism based on a nationalistic form of identity politics. John Major envisaged a more benign version of this in his famous speech based on "long shadows on county grounds, warm beer, invincible green suburbs, dog lovers and pools fillers and – as George Orwell said – 'old maids bicycling to holy communion through the morning mist'."

I suspect that when those Tories who subscribe to this pastoral version of Britishness sing 'Jerusalem' (whilst failing to note that the second verse is replete with Freudian sexual symbolism) they have something like this is mind. It's certainly a lot different to those more lurid patriotic fantasies festering in the imaginations of fellow travellers like the supporters of Tommy Robinson.

So there's plenty of scope for friction. And that's before you even get to the popular resentment of what is perceived to be an an out-of-touch, liberal elite.

It's a shame that these two versions of capitalism are in the ascendant right now as the latter one is a cure that is worse than the disease in my view. But although capitalism has been and still is rampantly exploitative, I don't see this as something inevitable. I am probably naive but I do think a more ethical form of capitalism is possible.
You know pal, you are far too brilliant for this forum. That is one of the best and most informative posts i have ever read on here. It is thought provoking, it is challenging, it is educating and its eloquent.

Your two versions of capitalism point is a great point, in my mind its the split between the libertarians and the traditional conservative right. The libertarians want a totally free market with everything subject to market forces, a form of ultra neo-liberalism, the traditional Conservatives accept that the state has a role and it could be said Sunak has acted almost Keynesian in his reaction to the Covid crisis. Its the internicine warfare between these two camps that has resulted in my mind in the use of reactionary politics as they each seek to gain advantage over each other. Brexit has exacerbated this struggle and the likes of Begum are the pawns in their game of control. Others such as Tiny Tommy ten names are also pawns in this game of control. The left has been marginalised and rendered as incapable and toxic with the constant use of Macarthyite slurs and the attacks on what are perceived to be leftist institutions through the disgusting trope of Cultural Marxism. Even on this thread there has been instances of ex Labour leaders called Communists, that is how far this propaganda is spreading and its subjagation of societal norms to capitalist ethics is gaining pace. All these small moves like Begum add to a much greater picture, a picture where capitalism is protected and a battleground where the two forms of capitalism can fight out for victory without any input from progressive voices as we have all been marginalised as we are fighting different fights to them and because of that we are deemed out of touch and irrelevant.
 
A bit off topic, but (a bit like Trumpers who thought a second term was prophesied) wasn't the whole ISIS ideology built on the inevitability of the success of the Caliphate? It hasn't prevailed, so for how many of its supporters (and combatants) is it just a failed idea, or is this just a setback to inevitable eventual success?

These are great questions that you are asking and ones which I am interesting in exploring myself. In general, one thing that distinguishes ISIS from other jihadist movements like al-Qaeda, is the emphasis that they place on apocalyptic eschatology. This is something that William McCants looks at in detail in his excellent study The ISIS Apocalypse.

However, although I know where to look and have purchased some of the relevant books, I haven't had time to read them yet.

First of all, there's this:


There's also Simon Dein's book Lubavitcher Messianism: What Really Happens When Prophecy Fails

The Lubavitichers are a Hasidic sect whose leader, Rebbe Schneerson, died without formally declaring himself to be the Moschiach or Messiah, as many of them were expecting. Dein looks at how they dealt with that.

On Islam specifically, after the invasion of Iraq in 2003, the belief that Muslims were living in the end times gained a lot more traction in the Islamic world. This is a phenomenon that Jean Pierre Filiu looks at in his study Apocalypse in Islam.

As far as experts on Salafi-Jihadism are concerned like Shiraz Maher and Peter Neumann, the consensus is that jihadist ideology is going to persist in some form. It isn't going away. My suspicion is that the aforementioned eschatological aspect of this will fade into the background as time goes on.

Hope this helps in some way.
 
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