If you actually look into the detail of this, then you'll see that both Sunak and Starmer made misleading claims on the costing of labour policies.
The Treasury has done proper costing analysis on a number of Labour policies, and provided estimates of the upper and lower bounds of what these will likely cost. This analysis is actually very detailed and it's all online so you can look at it yourself and cast your expert eye over it. This analysis has been used by the Conservatives, and they've also added cost estimates on Labour policies not analysed by the Treasury, using figures provided by the Institute for Government. So the full 2000 pound figure was only partially signed off by the Treasury and that's what the letter refers to.
Starmer however also misled people about the Treasury analysis when he suggested that it referred to 'pretend Labour policies', as that's also untrue and the Treasury's work relates to actual Labour policies. So the truth is somewhere in between and the Conservatives could well provide a breakdown between the section of the 2000 pound signed off by the Treasury, and the element suggested by the Institute for Government's work.
In any case the idea that Starmer allowed Sunak to make these claims as some sort of tactical defeat is frankly laughable. He's very wooden, not at all nimble and can't react when something comes back at him.
This was the initial Labour response, when it first came out.
There are multiple claims that they say aren't Labour policies, and one that is already a Tory policy.
The rebuttals below seem to be pretty clear, so no matter how detailed the analysis, if it's based on policies that don't exist, then Starmer wasn't misleading people.
1) The costings rely on “
Assumptions from Special Advisors”, rather than an impartial Civil Service assessment.
2) Mental health support teams: The document acknowledges they have not costed the actual policy that sits behind our commitment: “
there are alternative models to deliver this commitment, as expanding the provision of counselling support in schools, which have not been costed here.”
3) Dentistry: the costing includes the costs of a “golden hello” scheme. We did call for this, leading to a welcome change when the government adopted our policy.
The government do not appear to be aware that this is their own policy.
4) 13,000 neighbourhood police officers and PCSOs: The costing includes Barnett consequentials. This is incorrect, as the policy is funded by reallocating funding, meaning
Barnett consequentials are not triggered.
5) Neighbourhood health centres: The document assumes we will be setting up 42 new hubs over and above existing facilities and infrastructure.
This is not our policy. Our plans have no additional cost. We will ask Integrated Care System providers to identify opportunities to use the existing estate to provide Neighbourhood Health Centres.
6) Insourcing: The officials flag they have “low confidence” in the assumption that outsourced services are more efficient as
“the difference between the cost of outsourcing and in-house delivery is highly circumstance specific.”
7) Bus Service Reform: alongside dubious and questionable assumptions, the costing includes a frank admission that
“The analysis in this costing has been done at pace with limited data and, therefore, the uncertainty and risk of error is high.”
8) Halving the number of consultants: Those costing the policy concede that
they do not “monetise the potential benefits of reducing consultancy spending.”
9) Non-resident SDLT: They have failed to include in their policy assumptions Labour’s actual policy, which would see non-resident stamp duty land tax go from 2% to 3%. If they had, they could have simply taken a look at HMRC’s published costings of how much a 1% increase in non-resident stamp duty land tax raises, which is £40m per year by the third year of the forecast. This would have saved a lot of civil servant time that would have been better spent improving the country.
10) Mental Health Workers: They have assumed we will put a youth worker in every A&E suite, and a mentor in every Pupil Referral Unit across the entire country full-time.
This is not our policy. Our policy is a pilot of both approaches.
11) Regional Improvement Teams: The document assumes that a Labour government would send in regional improvement teams to all schools below ‘outstanding’, including schools rated ‘good’.
This is not our policy.